Chiquita Cocaine & Zionist Death Squads
January 31, 2012 — Dean Henderson
In 1954 CIA Director Allen Dulles rescued BP by launching Operation Ajax against Iran’s democratically-elected Mohamed Mossadegh. That same year Dulles came to the aid of United Fruit Company in Guatemala, where nationalist Jacobo Arbenz was elected President on a platform promising land reform.
When Arbenz targeted United Fruit’s 550,000 acre banana plantations for expropriation, Dulles turned to his old employer Sullivan & Cromwell to plot the overthrow of Arbenz.
Sullivan was BP’s lawyer and legal counsel to J. Henry Schroeder Bank, the Warburg-controlled Hamburg bank that financed Adolf Hitler. 
Dallas oil king Clint Murchison bought two paper mills in Honduras in 1954 from Bush golfing buddy Walt Mischer. Both had ties to the Marcello mob family in New Orleans. Kennedy assassin/Watergate plumber Howard Hunt, with help from Nicaraguan dictator Somoza, trained a Honduran-based militia to attack Arbenz. Frank Wisner, CIA Deputy Director of Plans, oversaw the operation.
United Fruit was the creation of Joseph Macheca, the New Orleans mob boss who preceded Marcello. Macheca was grand wizard of that city’s Ku Klux Klan. Both he and business partner Charles Matrenga were protégésof Italian mafia founder and 33rd Degree Grand Master of P-2 Scottish Rite Freemasonry Guiseppe Mazzini.
The word “mafia” is an acronym for “Mazzini authorizes furti (theft), incendi (arson) and avvelenamenti(kidnapping)”. Mazzini answered directly to British Freemason Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli. He sent Macheca and Matrenga to New Orleans to start United Fruit. August Belmont, the Rothschild family US business agent, worked with Macheca to corrupt Louisiana politics. 
United Fruit’s omnipresence in Central America gave rise to the phrase “banana republics”. It first changed its name to United Brands (UB) and owned Chiquita bananas, John Morrell meats and A&W Restaurants.
The DEA estimated that 20% of all cocaine reaching the US during the 1970’s came in on UB banana boats at Baltimore Harbor. Its plantations cover nearly the entire Caribbean halves of Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Chevron Texaco owns all the gas stations in this region. The oil giant’s 1991 annual report brags that it owns 26% of all retail gas stations in the entire Caribbean. The Bush family owns much of the land on the Caribbean coast in Panama. According to a Dallas DEA official, in 1991 Texaco’s CEO was that city’s cocaine kingpin, using offshore oil platforms to import Columbian coke. Chevron Texaco recently opened a “blending facility” in Shanghai, China.
UB is 45.4%-owned by Cincinnati-based financial mogul Carl Lindner, close friend of George Bush Sr. and one of his largest campaign contributors. Bush vacations at Lindner’s Key Largo Ocean Reef Club, which houses the landing strip used by CIA gun runner Jack Devoe as drop zone for cocaine. When President Reagan created his Presidential Commission on Central America in 1983, the Henry Kissinger-led group met at the Ocean Reef Club. In 1988 the state of Florida filed a complaint under RICO organized crime statutes against Ocean Reef. One entry in Oliver North’s diaries talks of a UB grant to John Singlaub buddy Major Andy Messing. 
Lindner owned Penn Central before that bank went down in a fog of scandal. Walt Mischer sold Marathon Manufacturing to Lindner, whose American Financial Insurance conglomerate controls numerous transportation outlets that presumably move UB cocaine, including Rapid-American Corporation and Reliance Corporation. Lindner owns an 8% share of Gulf & Western Corporation, where Carter Secretary of State Cyrus Vance sits on the board. Gulf & Western is a leader in raw sugar refining, a process identical to the process used to turn opium into heroin.
Lindner sold Lincoln S&L to Charles Keating, who did business deals with Rothschild representative and BCCI Geneva operator Alfred Hartman. The Arizona Republic reported that Keating’s corporate jets, along with those of Resorts International, are frequently use by Arizona Senator John McCain. McCain married Cindy Hensley, daughter of liquor magnate James Hensley, who is an associate of Arizona mobster Kemper Marley.
Lindner’s partner in UB was Detroit mob boss Max Fischer, who was put on the UB board by Donald Gant of Goldman Sachs. Another UB board member was Carter Panama Canal negotiator Sol Linowitz who, along with Cyrus Vance, was on the board at Pan Am. UB’s corporate headquarters was in New York’s Pan Am building.
Max Fischer owns Airborne Freight with the Jacobs family of Buffalo, whose Sportsystems operates twenty horse racing tracks in the US and Canada. It runs food concessions at forty horse tracks, ten greyhound tracks, twenty-four Major League Baseball stadiums and Boston Garden. Jacobs own the Boston Bruins hockey team, an Alaska-Seattle shipping fleet, fifteen airport concessions, Florida jai alai stadiums and, most interestingly, food service concessions on Gulf of Mexico oil platforms.
The Jacobs’ Letheby & Christopher caters all events where European Black Nobility are present. The Jacobs’ Emprise conglomerate got its start in Buffalo in 1916 as the Canadian Bronfman family’s aptly-named Pure Drug Company US partner. Max Fischer’s headquarters in downtown Detroit is owned by the Bronfmans.
Both Buffalo and Detroit sit on the US-Canadian border, convenient for the smuggling of HSBC-financed heroin from Vancouver to the US East Coast. HSBC has a huge presence in both cities. When Arizona Republic reporter Don Bolles’ findings forced Kemper Marley to resign from that state’s racing commission, Bolles was murdered. One of the final words he uttered was, “Emprise”.
The Bronfmans control Eagle Star Insurance along with the huge Canadian and British banks that facilitate the Silver Triangle drug trade. They own DuPont, Seagrams, (they got their start bootlegging whiskey during Prohibition), Vivendi, the Toronto Jockey Club and (until its demise) the Montreal Expos baseball club.  The name Bronfman in Yiddish translates “whiskey man”. These staunch Zionists are involved in much Mossad/MI6 skullduggery.
Fischer and Jacobs’ Airborne Freight owns Midwest Express, which has an exclusive contract with the Federal Reserve to ship canceled checks, an operation which enjoys immunity from US Customs. Chase Manhattan Executive Vice-President James Carey sits on Airborne Freight’s board. Max Fischer owns Detroit shopping malls, Fruehauf Trucking and Marathon Oil. He used to work at Britain’s largest merchant bank- Hambros- where SOE Colonel & Kennedy assassin Louis Mortimer Bloomfield worked. Fischer delivered Meyer Lansky funds and smuggled oil to the terrorist Haganah which seized Palestinian land to create Israel. In 1957 he was rewarded by the Rothschilds for his efforts when the family cut him into both Paz Oil and Paz Chemical, which hold a monopoly over the Israeli oil industry.
Fischer, like Bloomfield, is a member of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, the secret society that answers to Queen Elizabeth II. Bloomfield is chair of the Red Cross Ambulance Service, an intelligence arm of the British monarchy.  The Red Cross shares names with the Rosicrucian secret society founded in 1188 by Jean de Gisors, a vassal of British King Henry II and the first Grand Master of the Order of Sion. TheRosicrucians expanded under German Emperor Charlemagne. Their name glorifies the blood-covered cross on which anti-Illuminati rebel Jesus Christ was hung. The Knights Templar emblem is also the Red Cross. The Rothschilds use the Red Cross as family symbol. Their family name translates “red shield”.
The CIA overthrew Jacobo Arbenz and replaced him with a dictatorship led by General Castillo Armas, the first in a series of brutal military governments beholden to UB and its cocaine syndicate. The generals ruled Guatemala for an eerie 33 years while Arbenz loyalists fought a guerrilla war against the various juntas from the altiplano provinces bordering Mexico. Their UNRG ranks consisted of Qechua, Ketchikel and Mam Indians, who make up the majority of Guatemala’s population.
To counter the rebels the CIA worked closely with Israeli Mossad and Taiwanese advisers in creating “model villages”, patterned after the strategic hamlets which were employed during the Vietnam War. Part of the program was Guatemalan President Efrain Rios Montt‘s 1980’s Beans for Rifles effort, though which highland villagers received food via the USAID in containers displaying US flags and pro-US slogans.
In return, the villagers were expected to take up arms against the Guatemala rebels. USAID funded the construction of roads into rebel-held areas in Alta Verapaz province, enabling the Guatemalan Army to reach remote villages where it interrogated, tortured and killed over 100,000 Guatemalan Indians who refused to demur to CIA counterinsurgency efforts during the 1980’s and 1990’s. The Guatemalan military spawned right-wing death squads who ran Columbian cocaine north, utilizing export processing zones run by US multinationals like Chiquita.
On September 14, 1996 Guatemalan police captured the head of the largest of these narco-death squads- Alfredo Moreno Molina. Moreno started talking and Guatemalan oligarchy, which owns 85% of the country’s arable land, began to tremble. Among Moreno’s cohorts were President Efrain Rios Montt who claimed to be an Evangelical Christian, ex-Presidential candidates Alfonso Portilla and Zury Rios and scores of right-wing Congressmen from Frente Republicano Guatemalteco. In early 1997 as UNRG rebels were signing an historic peace accord with the government, the Guatemala periodical Ameroteca published a series of articles implicating the CIA in Moreno’s death squad and drug trafficking activities.
Moreno’s ring included the Vice-Minister of Defense, Captain of Navy, Inspector General of the Guardia de Haciendas, Inspector General of the National Police, Joint Guardia/Police Operations Officer, Chief of Motorized Police, Director General of Customs and many generals, colonels, customs officials and police chiefs. 
These same death squads presided over a rash of kidnappings that engulfed Guatemala during the mid-1990’s. The three high-ranking generals who oversaw the kidnapping ring were Luis Ortega, Manuel Callejas and Edgar Godoy. The ring was so powerful and included so many Guatemalan officials that it would never have been exposed had the UNRG rebels not spilled the beans during peace talks. Indictments were slow to come, with oligarch Attorney General Hector Perez working to stall the investigation. 
The CIA and Mossad presided over death squads and massacres, training the Guatemalan military in the finer arts of terrorism. They recruited mercenaries at US Army Sergeant Barry Sadler’s Europa bar in Guatemala City, a spook den where British and Israeli commandos mingled with Argentine and Chilean mercenaries and Guatemalan death squad leaders. Prostitution and gambling were rife.
The Guatemalan genocide only gained media attention when US citizens became targets of the death squads. In March 1995, Sen. Robert Torricelli (D-NJ) announced that a US hotel owner living in Guatemala named Michael Devine was killed by a right-wing death squad directed by a Guatemalan Colonel on CIA payroll. Devine ran a guest house near Poptun in eastern Guatemala. In 1990 his wife opened the door to find a paper bag containing her husband’s head. Julio Roberto Alpirez, the CIA goon who ordered Devine’s brutal murder, also oversaw the murder of Efrain Bamaca, a UNRG rebel commander.
Bamaca’s wife, US lawyer Jennifer Harbury, staged hunger strikes in both Washington and Guatemala City to protest the lack of cooperation by both governments in investigating her husband’s death. The CIA knew about the killing as soon as it happened, but failed to even contact Harbury. Joining her hunger strike was Sister Diana Ortiz, an Ursuline nun from New Mexico who was repeatedly raped and tortured with cigarette butts by a Guatemalan death squad in 1989. Ortiz says the person overseeing her ordeal was a man named Alejandro whom she thinks was an American.
After Torricelli made his allegations an NSA staffer sent him a note stating that NSC and the US Army had been directly involved in both Devine and Bamaca assassinations, as advisers to an elite G-2 secret unit within the Guatemalan military. Guatemalan scholar Alan Nairn says CIA worked closely with G-2, whose primary mission was the elimination of political opposition through death squads. After news of Devine’s death surfaced, Congress cut off military aid to Guatemala, but the CIA secretly retained a $5 million annual budget for Guatemalan operations. Army Colonel Julio Alpirez was paid $44,000 by the CIA after the Company knew he was involved in Devine’s death. 
Torricelli said the American people were about to hear things about their own intelligence agencies that would horrify them. Even Senator Arlen Spector, the Warren Commission lackey, was forced to admit that the CIA had withheld information from Torricelli’s investigation.
President Clinton was so shocked by the revelations that he sent FBI agents to the NSA to investigate Torricelli’s allegations. NSA was now busy shredding documents regarding Guatemala. It was the first time in US history that a president used the FBI to investigate NSA. In June 1996 the Senate Intelligence Oversight Board released a 53-page document which stated, “Several CIA agents were credibly alleged to have ordered, planned or participated in serious human rights violations such as assassinations, extra-judicial executions, torture or kidnapping…the CIA was contemporaneously aware of many of the allegations”. Torricelli was later subject to a phony political scandal which forced him to abandon his 2002 bid for re-election.
The Banana Republic of Honduras
The CIA worked hand in hand with United Brands (UB) throughout Central America. In 1932 when Salvadoran peasants revolted against dismal working conditions on UB banana plantations, the company backed a military massacre which left 300,000 dead and is remembered as La Matanza.
In 1947 UB sponsored a CIA putsch which brought Robert Vesco buddy Jose “Pepe” Figueres to power in Costa Rica. By 1954 the CIA attempted to overthrow the increasingly nationalist Figueres. UB supported the Somozas in Nicaragua who helped organize the Arbenz coup. Haganah gun-runner Yehuda Arazi became Israel’s Ambassador to Nicaragua on a recommendation from UB.  UB executive Francisco Urcyo attempted to lead an interim government as Sandinistas marched into Managua.
But no Central American government has been more influenced by UB than Honduras, a country that truly exemplifies the term “banana republic”. In 1975 UB chairman Eli Black plunged forty-four floors to his death after crashing through a window in his Pan Am office building in New York. An SEC investigation that followed revealed that UB virtually ran the country of Honduras, bribing public officials and fixing elections.
In 1978 General Policarpo Paz, head of the Honduran Armed Forces, led a military coup supported by Tegucigalpa Police Chief Amilcar Zelaya. Both were implicated by the Honduran press in drug trafficking and bribery scandals involving United Brands. Paz Garcia was co-owner of a ranch near Tegucigalpa with Honduran mafia kingpin Ramon Matta Ballesteros. The head of Honduran Interpol Juan Barahona was arrested on slander charges when he accused top-ranking Honduran generals of connections to Ballesteros’ mob, which turned Honduras into a transshipment point for Columbian coke.  Ballesteros delivered arms to the contras for the Enterprise. Later he was killed by Raphael Quintero to protect the Sicilia-Falcon CIA drug ring in Mexico.
In 1979 Vernon Walters organized Somocistas in Tegucigalpa into the contras. The US built additional military bases in Honduras and the CIA launched, equipped and trained Battalion 316 of the Honduran Army, a death squad unleashed upon Hondurans who protested the US military buildup in their country. Commander of the Honduran Armed Forces General Gustavo Alvarez led the Battalion 316 terror campaign. Over 10,000 Hondurans were killed during the 1980’s. Thousands more were disappeared and tortured. Victims were interrogated on US military bases. CIA agents assisted in Battalion 316 kidnappings. Ines Murillo testified that a CIA agent was present when she was tortured using electrical shocks and water.
Alvarez was a close friend of CIA Honduran Station Chief Donald Winters and of former US Ambassador to Honduras John Negroponte. Alvarez is godfather of Winters’ adopted daughter. In 1983 President Reagan presented Alvarez with a Medal of Honor.  In November 2002 Negroponte had been US Ambassador to the United Nations, where he lobbied the Security Council unsuccessfully for passage of yet another resolution endorsing a US invasion of Iraq. On April 21, 2005 Negroponte was sworn in as the first US Director of National Intelligence.
The US Embassy in Tegucigalpa is in the same building as the Murchsion family-owned and CIA-frequented Intercontinental Hotel. United Brands recently changed its name to Chiquita Brands International. In March 2002, Carl Lindner’s ever-upstanding Chiquita took its shareholders for a ride when it declared Chapter 11 bankruptcy.
 Fourth Reich of the Rich. Des Griffin. Emissary Publications. Pasadena, CA. 1978. p.97
 Dope Inc.: The Book that Drove Kissinger Crazy. The Editors of Executive Intelligence Review. Washington, DC. 1992. p.504
 The Mafia, CIA and George Bush: The Untold Story of America’s Greatest Financial Debacle. Pete Brewton. SPI Books. New York. 1992
 The Editors of Executive Intelligence Review. p.516
 Ibid. p.339
 Chronica. Guatemala City. 9-20-96. p.19-24
 The Siglio News. Guatemala City. 3-4-97. p.7
 “With Friends Like These”. David Van Biema. Time. 8-7-95. p.29
 The Editors of Executive Intelligence Review. p.504
 Cry of the People: The Struggle of the Catholic Church for Justice in Latin America. Penny Lernoux. Penguin Books. New York. 1985. p.117
 “Battalion 316 Atrocities”. The Sun. #5. Tegucigalpa. February 1996.